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Class Differences and Womens
same terms as it is or may be given to men. In 1923 one member, an unmarried teacher by the name of Edith Woods, did adopt a more militant stance by refusing to pay her income tax/ arguing in court that 'taxation without representation. Research suggests that women are more vulnerable than men to the brain damaging effects of excessive alcohol use, and the damage tends to appear with shorter periods of excessive drinking for women than for men.13,14. A similar preoccupation with women's domestic and reproductive responsibilities characterised the other side of the debate. Anti-suffragists, however, used this to justify the exclusion of women from political process and to warn of the dangerous consequences of tampering with the existing division of responsibilities between the sexes. Formal recognition was not the same as practical application, and the enfranchisement of women did not signal a radical restructuring of power relationships between men and women or a fundamental redefinition of women's primary role as reproducers; nor was this what most women wanted. An editorial in the Cape Times also trivialized the affair, denouncing Woods's actions as 'this silly business but behind its scorn lurked a more serious concern. Too often it is assumed that this gap is not evidence of discrimination, but is instead a statistical artifact of failing to adjust for factors that could drive earnings differences between men and women.
Class Differences and Womens
He referred to Rhodesia where women had been enfranchised in 1919, arguing that the women's vote there had been the decisive factor in the Rhodesian electorate's decision not to join the Union (Cape Times Debates, 1923: 38). As the debate narrowed, so the weau itself began to vacillate on its superficially non-racial policy. Serious attempts to understand the gender wage gap should not include shifting the blame to women for not earning more. The widespread assumption that politics was properly a male preserve went unchallenged while black leaders concentrated on more urgent matters. Much of the burden of white women's reproductive work was lessened by the presence of a vast underclass of black servants, male and female, to whom more and more of the onerous housework and child-care was directed (see chapter 3). Making common political cause with black women was inconceivable to most members and no attempt was made to recruit black members or propagate suffrage ideas outside the white community. The movement of Afrikaner women to the cities and into factory employment put new pressures on the patriarchal controls of family and church, and opened up an important area of recruitment for the suffrage as well as the trade-union movement. The suffrage movement, he argued, was inimical to 'the divinest duty of all' of 'our women' - 'the duties of the heart'. As in Europe, although more slowly and on a smaller scale, the economic role of women began to expand beyond the overwhelmingly domestic, and to require redefinition. By the time young women graduate from high school and enter college, they already evaluate their career opportunities differently than young men. This paper explains why gender occupational sorting is itself part of the discrimination women face, examines how this sorting is shaped by societal and economic forces, and explains that gender pay gaps are present even within occupations.
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta, Working Paper 2002-30. Thus the suffragists did not challenge the view that womens primary responsibilities were domestic and that marriage and motherhood constituted women's most important achievements. That they had claimed this privilege, and although now repelled by the Volksraad, they had been deputed to express their fixed determination never to yield to British authority"d in Van Rensburg, 1966: 111). Fifteen govern-in Europe and North America enfranchised women between 19 (unesco, 1964 including Britain where women's suffrage was finally conceded in 1918, although for women over the 30 only. In 1907 a motion calling on the Cape House of Assembly to recognise that 'the time has come when the welfare of the people of the Cape of Good Hope will be most effectually conserved by conferring on women the privilege of voting' was soundly. The development of industrial capitalism in Britain during the eighteenth century was characterized by a fundamental shift in the social function of the home and family away from its earlier importance as a site of production, to a primarily, of reproduction and consumption.